By Eric Hershberg, William M. LeoGrande (eds.)
This ebook explores the various results of Presidents Obama and Castro brokering a rapprochement among the U.S. and Cuba after greater than part a century of estrangement. monetary, political, social, and cultural dynamics are analyzed in available style through major specialists from Cuba, the USA, Europe, and Latin the United States. What possibilities come up in the course of the beginning of diplomatic relatives, and what matters might be hindrances to normalization? What are the results for the Cuban economic system, for its political method, and for ties with individuals of the Cuban diaspora? What are the consequences for US kinfolk in other places in Latin the United States? This updated account addresses those and different questions about this new path in US-Cuban family.
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Extra info for A New Chapter in US-Cuba Relations: Social, Political, and Economic Implications
The key lies in the power of persuasion to demonstrate the convenience of cooperating rather than coercion (by the United States) or disruption (by Cuba). If the United States intends to use the reestablished embassies to repeat the mistakes it committed between 1959 and 1961, when it attempted to oppose Fidel Castro, then Cuba will again entrench itself. If Cuba uses the new relationship with the United States to organize anti-US fronts in Latin America, then it will work in favor of those in the United States who want to return to hostile policies.
162–63; see also Blight and Lang 2010). Consider how positively Cuba responded when President Obama empathetically acknowledged on December 17 that the United States “tried to overthrow” the Cuban government with the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion. Without empathy, two countries are more likely to misinterpret unintended slights or insults as animosity, to perceive bellicose language intended for a domestic audience as a threat, or to treat a minor action, such as a visa denial, as a policy decision, when it may have been no more than a low-ranking official acting in accord with standard operating procedures.
In contrast, the existential threat Cuban officials perceived had greater validity. The United States organized, funded, and managed the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, along with at least seven attempts to assassinate the Cuban leadership (Central Intelligence Agency Inspector General 1967). It engaged in numerous covert operations aimed at regime change. 1 The history of these maneuvers leads Cuban policymakers to envision worst case scenarios even in the twenty-first century. When the most powerful country in the world engages in seemingly harmless clandestine programs—such as the recently unmasked Twitter-like campaign known as ZunZuneo (Sanger 2014)—Cuban analysts worry that US-supported provocations could spiral out of control and lead the United States to use the resulting situation as a justification for military intervention.